From the moment a person
is born he/she begins the lifelong process of organizational interaction. A
person is usually born in a hospital where he/she is subjected to the policies
and processes of the hospital, released to a family, whether biological or
foster, and subjected to the cultures and traditions of that family, grows up
in a society whose norms one must adhere to and delinquent behaviour is
addressed using social organizations and one will grow and die whilst virtually
all his/ her life is an interaction with organizations. Learning processes, behavioural
reinforcement or punishment is through organizations. Some go on to argue that
human beings are like objects thrust into the world to be manipulated by
organizational circumstances. It is in light of the above view that this
discourse seeks to critically explore the assertion that, “Organizations are
everywhere and come in many different forms. Their ubiquity and complexity
means many of our social problems are organizational in nature and that is why
we need to study organizations.” This discourse will define operational terms,
explore the social problem of unemployment at length and that of domestic
violence briefly, highlight how these social problems are organizational, use
theoretical approaches to establish how the organizations operate and create
the social problems and ways of reinforcing the organizations to ameliorate the
social problems. A personal perspective will conclude the paper.
Scott
(1995) defines organisations as social structures created by individuals to
support the collaborative pursuit of certain goals. Robbins and Barnwell (2012)
state that an organization is a consciously coordinated social entity with a
relatively identifiable boundary that functions on a relatively continuous
basis to achieve a common goal or a set of goals. Silverman (1970) notes that
the definitions of organizations have the aspect of goals, formality and/or
integration. However, for the purpose of this discourse an organisations shall
be defined as any social structures, formal or informal, that are created by
individuals in pursuit of shared values.
The
social problems faced by individuals in society may stem from a single source
organization or a plethora of formal organisations which are interlinked by
their multiplicity of interactions which in turn culminates in the problems
indigenous to one organization being replicated in many others. Unemployment is
one such social problem that has bedevilled Zimbabwe. With an unemployment rate
of 95% (Worstall, 2017), Zimbabwe has one of the highest unemployment rates in
the world. This has led to a lot of other offshoot social problems like crime,
prostitution, poverty, migration, HIV and AIDS, discordant families and many
other social ills. Thus if the social problem of unemployment continues
unabated it has the capacity to degenerate into a social catastrophe whose
effects will be unsurmountable. It is thus important to solve the problem of
unemployment at its grassroots levels to avoid future problems of an
exacerbated magnitude.
The
Government of Zimbabwe is a macro organization which is composed of numerous
micro organizations whose sum make up the Government. It is therefore
imperative that when the Government is analysed as a source of social problems,
its constituent organisations be identified. Some of the organisations which
are microcosms of the macrocosm of Government are political parties, President,
Legislature, Judiciary, Ministers, Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe and Government
departments. The reason for focusing on the Government instead of a single constituent
organisation is the fact that the roles of the constituent organisations at
times interlink and overlap and it would appear frivolous to attribute all
challenges to a single constituent organization as compared to attributing the
challenges to Government. This follows the Gestalt Principle that, ‘the whole
is greater than the sum of its parts’ (Koffka as cited by Bruce, Green and
Georgeson, 1996. P.110)
The
Government of Zimbabwe through the ruling ZANU PF party and Legislature
instituted a fast track land reform in a bid to consolidate the support of the
electorate from the threat of the pro-labour MDC party in the YES/NO Referendum
of 2000. The outcome of that referendum was a No vote which signified a victory
for MDC. ZANU PF then intensified its land redistribution strategy culminating
in rubber stamping the land reform through a ruling by the late Chief Justice
Godfrey Chidyausiku, after the constructive dismissal/retirement of Retired
Chief Justice Anthony Gubbay in 2001 (www.pindula.co.zw). This was in
preparation for the 2002 elections. These sequence of events heralded the dawn
of unemployment in Zimbabwe as farm workers of former white commercial farmers
became unemployed as the new land owners had neither financial nor technical
capacity to utilise the land as the previous owners did. This had a ripple
effect as downstream industries that relied on agricultural produce like Cashel
Valley, Cairns Foods, Victoria Foods, Blue Ribbon Industries, Grain Marketing
Board, COTTCO and David Whitehead among others started facing viability challenges
and resorted to retrenchments. This was the advent of high unemployment in
Zimbabwe.
In
a retaliatory manner the MDC sought to make the country ungovernable by calling
for sanctions from Britain, United States of America, The European Union,
Australia and Canada in 2002 (UK Telegraph, 14 January 2002). ZANU PF after
2003 tried to shore up local support as the momentum of the land reform had
subsided and the negative effects of the land reform and sanctions were now
apparent. They did this through the indigenisation policy which led to
investment flight, further increasing unemployment. The policy was later signed
into an Act of Parliament in 2008 (www.loc.gov). There are accusations and
counter accusations between opposition and the ruling parties on who is to
blame for some of the company closures and deals that failed to materialise
during the tenure of the inclusive Government (2009-2013) chief among them the
ZISCO Steel – ESSER deal (Chronicle, July 5 2016). These events though they
were of a political nature and arose from the institution of Government as a
whole, their effects transcended economic sectors and social structures to
result in the current problem of unemployment.
The
second social problem that is greatly affecting the Zimbabwean society is
domestic violence. This social problem has far reaching consequences and has
led to consequence problems like murders, body harm, disfigurement, and when
solutions are offered by formal organisations it leads to incarceration,
divorce and broken families. The problem seems to be stemming from the family
unit as an organization. The family unit in Zimbabwe has evolved over time. The
advent or technology, children’s rights, women’s rights, neo-feminism and
anti-patriarchy legislation have drastically changed the value systems,
cultures and norms of families. However, the differential acceptance rate and
lack of consensus gives rise to disagreements which at times culminate in
domestic violence due to perceived irreconcilability by one or more members of
the family organisation. Thus, though bordering informality, the family unit is
an organisation that has given rise to the social problem of domestic violence
of late.
The
bounded rationality theory of Herbert Simon as explained by Barros (2010) state
that individuals seek a satisficing decision, one that satisfies and suffices
for the decision maker. This holds true for the Zimbabwean Government as the
organisational root cause of unemployment in Zimbabwe. The decisions that they
have been making that led to high unemployment levels were satisfactory and
sufficing at the time being as they achieved intended political objectives. They
were also time bound by the impending elections in almost all of the scenarios
they made these major decisions. The Government of Zimbabwe also seemed to have
borrowed from Maslow (1987) in that they sought to motivate the electorate by
providing them with physiological needs, land for shelter and land for food.
However, adopting the whole hierarchy on needs was not sustainable hence the
current high levels of unemployment the country faces.
The
family and the Government of Zimbabwe as the root causal organisations seems to
follow the trajectory of Henry Mintzberg’s (1985) theorising of organisations
as a political arenas expounded by Karademir and Karademir (2015). Mintzberg
(1985) describes politics as having the ability to capture a whole or part of
an organisation, giving rise to what he termed ‘the political arena.’ This is a
scenario where various factors are at play where one tries to push his/her
personal agenda against that of a perceived rival. In the case of the
Government of Zimbabwe the power dynamics that were at play entailed to
elections and the need to sway the electorate. In the family set-up the power
dynamics that are at play relate to how the father, mother or children perceive
they are being treated according to their perceived importance as indoctrinated
by their inclination towards either patriarchy, neo-feminism or children’s
activism.
The
problem of unemployment whose root cause lie in the Government organization can
be solved by trying to establish a social structure of Government as a
negotiated order. Schulze (1986) who is a Symbolic Interactionist Sociologist
argued that organisations should be formed on the basis of negotiations through
different individuals. These negotiations are believed to be able to ameliorate
the social problems that arise from the Government. A precedent was set in
Zimbabwe during the period between 2009 and 2013 when the Government of
Zimbabwe was a negotiated order named the Government of National Unity (GNU).
This negotiated order led to economic stabilisation and the political antics
that the political parties had been exhibiting prior to this period stopped and
at times sought to be reversed. This is a clear indication that viewing
organisations as a negotiated order, and forming Government out of negotiation,
would result in solving the social problem of unemployment. Operationalising
the new Zimbabwean constitution of 2013 that arose as a result of consultations
and a referendum will also lead to the amelioration of the unemployment social
problem as the constitution is a documentation of the negotiated order of Government
as a macro organisation.
The
social problem of domestic violence needs to be rectified by application of the
view of organisations as cultural contexts. This brings to the fore an
acknowledgement that at times members of the family organization fail to adapt
externally and integrate internally. Organisations as a cultural context
entails that new ways of doing things should have worked so well enough to be
considered valid and to be gradually taught to new members as a correct way to
feel, think and perceive. Thus if the concepts of patriarchy, neo-feminism and
children’s rights are gradually taught, the family organisation will not
encounter cultural shock which results in disagreements, confrontations and
domestic violence. This would help in ameliorating the social problem of
domestic violence. If this concept does not work then the idea of punishment to
offenders as negative reinforcement should be considered in line of Michel
Foucault’s approach to power, panoptic and the prison system.
Given the above discourse it is the view of the writer that the social problems being faced are organisational in nature, but they do not stem from a single organisation. Rather they stem from a multiplicity of organisations which are interrelated and which interface with each other such that at times it is not apparent were the true sphere of influence of one organisation ends. Thus the attempt to solve the organisational root cause to problems usually transcends organisations and the effects of such might actually in turn solve other social problems that might not have been initially targeted.
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